Libya Challenges ICC’s Jurisdiction Over Gaddafi’s Son

Libya Challenges ICC’s Jurisdiction Over Gaddafi’s Son

By Tamara Alfred
Impunity Watch Reporter, Africa

The Libyan government has formally challenged the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) right to try the son of the late Moammar Gaddafi, Saif al-Islam, for war crimes, arguing he should be tried in Libya.

A woman walks past a wall in Tripoli in November 2011 showing graffiti of Gaddafi, his son, and al-Senussi behind bars. (Photo Courtesy of Reuters.)

The ICC announced earlier this week that it had receive a formal submission from Libya’s new leadership arguing that Saif, 39, and former military intelligence chief, Abdullah al-Senussi, 62, should be tried on Libyan soil.  Saif was captured by rebels last year and is being held in the western town of Zintan, while al-Senussi was arrested last month in Mauritania.  Libya is currently seeking his extradition.   Under international law, a country has both the right and the duty prosecute suspected war criminals.

However, the ICC has issued an arrest warrant for Saif on charges of killing and persecuting civilians during the uprising, and asked for Libya to hand him over.  ICC spokeswoman, Sonia Robla, explained that once the court has issued an arrest warrant for a suspect, it cannot retract it unless judges believe suspects will be tried for the same crimes they were indicted for, and that they will receive a fair trial.

Libya’s filing says it seeks to do just that, but human rights groups have expressed concern that Saif will not get a fair trial in Libya, especially given the central government’s lack of control over some areas in the aftermath of the civil war.

The ICC, however, does not oppose Saif being tried in Libya in principle, Robla said, and the Arab League has issued a statement backing Libya’s right to try al-Islam.

“Holding Saif al-Islam’s trial in Libya is a demand from the Libyan people,” Mohammed al-Hareizi, a spokesman for the National Transitional Council, said.  “He must be tried in Libya because he committed war crimes against Libyans and it means a lot to the Libyan people to try Saif in Libyan courts.”

Libya insisted in its filing that it has made great strides in repairing its legal system in the post-Gaddafi era, and its desire to try the pair “reflects a genuine willingness and ability to bring the persons concerned to justice.”

“The Libyan government regards the trial of Mr. Gaddafi and Mr. al-Senussi as a matter of the highest national importance, not only in bringing justice for the Libyan people but also in demonstrating that the Libyan justice system is capable of proper investigation and prosecution, and that it can conduct fair trials,” the country said in its filing.

“To deny the Libyan people the historic opportunity to eradicate the long-standing culture of impunity would be manifestly inconsistent with the object and purpose” of the ICC, the filing said.

The filing went into details of Libya’s efforts to gather evidence against Saif, saying it will complete its investigation within weeks, and its willingness to request outside help in the legal process where necessary.  Not only has the country sought help from the UN in training judges, much of the evidence ICC Prosecutor Moreno-Ocampo is basing his case on was obtained with the help of Libyan prosecutors in the first place.

Moreno-Ocampo has said he will continue cooperating with his Libyan counterparts and that, ultimately, ICC judges must decide whether or not to remand the case to Libya.

For more information, please see:

The Independent – Libya applies to war crimes court to keep Gaddafi’s son – 2 May 2012

CBS News – War crimes court: Libya wants to keep Gadhafi son – 1 May 2012

Reuters – Libya says to wind up Gaddafi son investigation soon – 1 May 2012

Notes From Kampala: Problems in the Judiciary

By Reta Raymond
Associate Special Features Editor

My internship in Uganda was with a law firm that represents one of Uganda’s biggest celebrities, the President of the Forum for Democratic Change, Dr. Kizza Besigye.  Dr. Besigye lost the last three presidential elections to President Yoweri Museveni, who has been Uganda’s president since 1986.

In 2006, Dr. Besigye challenged the outcome of the presidential election in the court system.  While the court found evidence of ballot rigging and other fraudulent practices, it held that it was not so great as to affect the overall outcome.  After his February 2011 defeat, Dr. Besigye proclaimed that even though there was evidence of fraud, challenging the election in the court system would be futile.  Instead, he sought to inspire an East African “Arab Spring.”  Dr. Besigye became the voice of the opposition group, the “Activists for Change,” which organized the “Walk to Work” campaign to protest commodity prices in 2011.

The peaceful Walk to Work protesters met with a strong police opposition when they began in April and May of 2011.  The military and riot police used live ammunition, rubber bullets, tear gas, and batons against the protestors.  The government forces killed at least 10 civilians, including two children under the ages of five.  These deaths have never been investigated.

Dr. Besigye was arrested numerous times last April and May during the Walk to Work protests. In one confrontation with the police, Dr. Besigye was shot in the hand.  Weeks later, Dr. Besigye was put on unofficial house arrest for nearly ten days.  When Dr. Besigye was finally allowed to travel to his office, protestors rallied around his vehicle while he was sitting in a traffic jam.  Seeing the mob around the doctor’s car, a plain-clothes policeman approached the vehicle and proceeded to bash in the passenger window and use pepper spray on Dr. Besigye at close range.  Dr. Besgiye was temporarily blinded by the pepper spray and spent several weeks in Nairobi and the United States for medical treatment.  The police contend that Dr. Besigye was carrying a weapon in his car, but media footage clearly shows that he was unarmed.

The first court hearing I attended in Uganda was in regards to the charges against Dr. Besigye on inciting violence, as a result of his arrest during the protests.  The hearing, held in the tiny, one room courthouse in Kasangati, a pastoral suburb of Kampala, was filled to the brim with reporters, photographers, cameramen, and curious townspeople.  Two prosecution attorneys and two defense attorneys could barely fit on the bench, and the accused squeezed onto one bench by the wall.  The atmosphere in the courtroom prior to the hearing was chaotic, with flashing cameras and excited spectators and reporters weighing in on the potential outcome.  Outside the courthouse, two dozen police officers in full riot gear wandered through the tall grass and casually joked with one another while leaning on their Kalashnikovs.

After a brief presentation, the prosecutor lamented that they couldn’t find their witnesses or that they could not be present for some reason, and, months later, the charges were eventually dropped.  After our client’s matter was heard, five other young men were charged from arrests during the same protest.  As the judge spoke to them, they wore blank looks on their faces.  The judge asked if they understood and some shook their heads no, so they were given a translation by the clerk.  One of the defendants was not present.  A member of the audience told me that might have been because court documents are not translated into local languages.  The man may have gotten his trial notice, but perhaps he had not been able to understand it.

The lack of an official translator in the judicial system is incredibly problematic in Uganda.  While the official language is English, it is not the first language of most native Ugandans.  The most common language spoken in Kampala is Luganda, as it is the language of that region’s tribe.  However, there are nearly fifty tribal languages spoken in Uganda.

Because there is no official translation system, the court calls for one of the court staff to translate when an accused or a witness can’t speak English.  A translator can be anyone who speaks the language, so this can be a guard or a clerk.  Even prosecutors have been known to translate.  The right of the accused to a competent translator to explain the charges is a staple of international human rights law.  When anyone is able to translate, many issues can arise.  For example there is no quality control: the “translator” may insert their own perspectives, or they may choose not to translate everything stated.

Another issue I noticed at this and at other trials was that there was no jury. It was particularly odd to not see a jury box at the more formal High Courts in Kampala, which more closely resemble Western courts.  The Ugandan judicial system is modeled on the British judicial system and British case law is even binding on the Ugandan courts, so I wondered why that element was not adopted.

I can only speculate, but perhaps the concern was to deter corruption.  In Uganda, corruption is a huge issue.  Uganda even has an Anti-Corruption Court to decide corruption cases.  Jurors could easily be paid for their vote, especially when so much of the population lives in poverty and bribes are widely used in daily life. Also, the consequences for a juror taking a bribe might not be that severe, whereas a judge could lose his job if he was caught.  However, it could be easier to pay one judge instead of convincing twelve jurors.

Observing trials in Uganda made me question the American legal system. Everyone bowed before a judge before they entered a courtroom.  Attorneys spoke softly and slowly in front of a judge, as a form of respect and also to allow him to take down the proceedings by hand.  Opposing parties refer to each other as “learned counsel.”  I couldn’t help but wonder if Americans are less respectful of the legal system, generally.  Maybe I’m wrong, but certainly it is a little embarrassing that American attorneys are not more respectful of judges and each other.  As for the lack of a jury, it is an interesting exercise to question why it was so appalling to me.  Perhaps my opinion would be different if I was a Ugandan, where corruption is rampant and perhaps the jurors could be easily bribed.  Or maybe I am just not confident that a decision by one judge, in any country, would always be a more rational decision than a consensus by a decision by a jury of peers.

PILPG Policy Paper: Planning for Syria’s “Day After” – A Framework for Transitional Justice in Post-Assad Syria

Public International Law and Policy Group
Planning for Syria’s “Day After” – A Framework for Transitional Justice in Post-Assad Syria

Syria Human Rights Violations Report: 2 May 2012

Idleb | Mishmishan

These two female casualties, along with 8 members of their family, were all killed during a shelling attack regime forces directed at their home in the middle of the night. The total number of casualties was 4 women and 3 children.

 

Homs | As-Sa’an

This is Umar Bin Al-Khattab Mosque, and the videographer captures the moment in which the regime’s forces shell the mosque, causing the entire minaret to fall.

 

Aleppo | Al-Atarib

An activist returns to his home after the relentless shooting and shelling to find it burned and destroyed.

 

Videos Courtesy of:

Syrian Network of Human Rights – Violations Report – 2 May 2012