Africa Rights Watch

African Court Weighs in on Right to Fair Trial Claims in Three Cases from Tanzania

By: Christian González

Journal of Global Rights and Organizations, Associate Articles Editor

ARUSHA, Tanzania – On February 26, 2021, the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Court) made three decisions regarding claims of violations to the right to a fair trial, all coming out of Tanzania. The Court found such a violation in two of the cases but did not find a violation in the third.

The judges of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights seated in front of the Court’s location in Arusha, Tanzania. Photo courtesy of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Charter) is what gives the Court jurisdiction over matters appealed on from member states of the Organization of African Unity. It also establishes norms regarding civil and political rights of individuals within member states. In particular, Article 7 of the Charter grants individuals the right to a fair trial. This includes the “right to appeal… against acts violating his fundamental rights,” the “right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty,” the “right to be defended by counsel of his choice,” and the “right to be tried within a reasonable amount of time by an impartial court or tribunal.”

The first case, Zanzibar v. Tanzania, involved the appeal of a man convicted of rape and sentenced to 30 years in prison. The petitioner, a Mr. Mussa Zanzibar, argued that the District Court in Chota made three errors that violated his right to a fair trial: 1) that the District Court convicted him based on the testimony of a single witness whom the court did not satisfy was telling the truth, 2) that the District Court failed to resolve contradictions and inconsistencies in the prosecution’s evidence, and 3) that the District Court failed to warn itself that there needs to be evidence to satisfy the standard of beyond a reasonable doubt for a conviction.

Even though the petitioner did not specifically cite a violation of Article 7 of the Charter, the Court found that he did substantially implicate the same right Article 7 concerns itself with. The Court dismissed Mr. Zanzibar’s claims regarding the District Court’s partial assessment of the evidence because it did not find a basis for interfering with a municipal court’s findings. The Court did, however, find that there was still a violation of Article 7 due to the fact that the District Court did not offer free legal assistance to Mr. Zanzibar. While the Charter does not specify a right to free counsel, the Court looked to its past interpretations of the Charter in which it held that “the right to defense includes the right to be provided with free legal assistance,” even if the petitioner did not request such legal assistance, as was the situation in the present case.

The second case, Zuberi v. Tanzania, involved the appeal of a man convicted of the rape of a ten-year-old girl and sentenced to 30 years in prison. The petitioner, a Mr. Mhina Zuberi, argued that the District Court of Muheza made three errors that violated his Article 7 rights: 1) that the District Court did not provide legal counsel to him, 2) that the District Court did not allow him to call for his own witnesses, and 3) that there were errors in the assessment of law and fact in the evidence.

The Court, like in the Zanzibar case, dismissed the claim of partial assessment of evidence. The Court also dismissed the claim of Mr. Zuberi not being able to call witnesses due to the lack of evidence. However, like in the Zanzibar case, the Court found that the District Court had deprived Mr. Zuberi of his right to be provided with free legal assistance.

The third case, Rutechura v. Tanzania, involved the appeal of a man convicted of a murder committed during the course of a burglary and sentenced to death by hanging. The petitioner, a Mr. Evodius Rutechura, argued that the High Court of Mwanza made three errors that violated his Article 7 rights: 1) that the High Court improperly dismissed his request for extension of time to file an application of review, 2) that the High Court failed to provide free legal assistance to him, and 3) that the High Court improperly assessed evidence against him.

The Court found there was no miscarriage of justice in the High Court’s denial of the time extension request, as the High Court followed its own rules in the dismissal. The Court also found that the High Court did provide Mr. Rutechura with free legal counsel. For this, the Court held that the right to have free legal assistance of one’s own choosing was not absolute, and that “the important consideration is whether the accused was given effective legal representation rather than whether he or she was allowed to be represented by a lawyer of their own choosing.” Lastly, the Court found that there was no showing that there was an improper assessment of evidence simply because the three eyewitnesses to the crime were related.

The Court granted reparations to the petitioners in the Zanzibar and Zuberi cases, each being awarded 300,000 Tanzanian Shillings (129.37 USD). The Court, however, dismissed both petitioners’ requests to be released from prison. The Court also dismissed Mr. Rutechura’s case on all claims.

For further information, please see:

African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights – African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights – Jun. 1981

African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights – Evodius Rutechura v. United Republic of Tanzania – 26 Feb. 2021

African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights – Evodius Rutechura v. United Republic of Tanzania: Case Summary – 26 Feb. 2021

African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights – Mhina Zuberi v. United Republic of Tanzania – 26 Feb. 2021

African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights – Mhina Zuberi v. United Republic of Tanzania: Case Summary – 26 Feb. 2021

African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights – Mussa Zanzibar v. United Republic of Tanzania – 26 Feb. 2021

African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights – Mussa Zanzibar v. United Republic of Tanzania: Case Summary – 26 Feb. 2021

International Criminal Court Convicts Dominic Ongwen of 61 Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes

By: William P. Hendon

Journal of Global Rights and Organizations, Associate Articles Editor

THE HAGUE, Netherlands – On February 4, 2021, the International Criminal Court (ICC) found Dominic Ongwen guilty of 61 crimes against humanity, including four counts of rape, 4 counts of sexual slavery, 2 counts of forced pregnancy, and one count of forced marriage.  Ongwen was a leader of the Lord’s Salvation Army in Uganda.

Dominic Ongwen. Photo Courtesy of ICC.

The ICC had been looking for Ongwen for crimes committed in Uganda from July 2002 to December 2005. In December 2014, Ongwen gave himself up to the Central African Republic’s government who then turned him over to the ICC within ten days. Ongwen’s trial began December 6, 2016.

In 2010, the ICC issued the first warrant for a sex crime committed in furtherance of genocide. Critics say the lack of sex crime prosecutions is because the ICC’s prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo, needed quick and easy cases to build the organization’s reputation. Others say the organization doesn’t prosecute sex crimes because of cultural stigmas and differences among peoples.

Acts of sexual violence have historically been brought under charges of war crimes or crimes against humanity. The ICC has expanded the definition of crimes against humanity to include crimes such as rape or forced pregnancy. Yet, the ICC has only indicted 44 people in its history. Sex crimes remain ignored and overlooked in favor of easier cases with easier evidence.

Seven witnesses testified at trial about their forced sexual encounters with Ongwen. Three of the women were Ongwen’s “wives.” One witness said, “When I started crying he asked me ‘between death and life, what do you choose?’” Another witness said, “I was only crying. I did not say anything nor refuse to sleep with him because I was fearful because he was commander and if I said anything or refused I would be killed.”

The pursuance of convictions of gender-based crimes against women and girls, under Article 7 of the Rome Statute, is pivotal for the ICC. The decision recognizes that biological females are affected by sex crimes differently than their biological male counterparts. It also allows for the organization to publicly announce that sex crimes are mainly gender-based. While this doesn’t mean to discredit other forms of sex crimes (namely, those committed against same-sex people and those committed against non-cisgender people), it is a step forward.

Ongwen was kidnapped by the LRA on his way to school as a boy. A psychiatrist at trial said Ongwen tried to escape the LRA with a few others; upon their capture, Ongwen was forced to skin another kidnappee alive. At trial, he said, “I’m one of the people against whom the LRA committed atrocities.”

For further information, please see:

BBC – Dominic Ongwen – from Child Abductee to LRA Rebel Commander – 4 Feb. 2021

BBC – LRA Commander Dominic Ongwen Appears Before ICC in The Hague – 26 Jan. 2015

ICC – Dominic Ongwen Declared Guilty of War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity Committed in Uganda – 4 Feb. 2021

ICC – Decision Scheduling a Hearing on Sentence and Setting the Related Procedural Calendar – 4 Feb. 2021

ICC – Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court – 1 July 2002

Modern Ghana — ICC Confirms 70 Charges Against Ugandan LRA Rebel Leader — 21 Jan. 2016

Ratification of African Court Protocol Symbolizes a New Hope for Human Rights in the Democratic Republic of Congo

By: Chelsea Simpson

Journal of Global Rights and Organizations, Technical Director

ARUSHA, Tanzania – The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) ratified the African Court Protocol to the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights in an attempt to safeguard human rights.

Photo of protestors in Congo advocating for government officials to adhere to the constitution and peacefully conduct democratic elections. Photo Courtesy of Human Rights Watch, Congo.

On December 8, 2020, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) officially deposited its ratification instrument of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights. This ratification is in support of the establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Its purpose is to promote and protect human rights and freedoms in Africa.

The move to ratify the protocol is a positive step in the right direction for safeguarding human rights in DRC. Human rights violations have been a major concern in the DRC for many years, and increasingly so in the past three years due to the long-delayed presidential, legislative, and provisional elections. The delayed elections led to substantial unrest in the DRC. Amnesty International reports that by December 2019 over one million Congolese were forcibly displaced as a result of election violence. The violence also resulted in the death of over 1,500 civilians and thousands more injured. A widespread critique is that these continued human rights abuses are perpetuated by a lack of accountability by the perpetrators. Accordingly, DRC’s ratification of this protocol gives positive hope towards a new future of human rights protections in DRC.

This picture captures the unrest following delayed presidential elections of the Democratic Republic Congo. Photo Courtesy of PLUStvAfrica.

Although the ratification of the protocol is a bold step in the right direction for human rights in DRC, there is still more DRC can do to safeguard the human rights of its citizens. Currently, 31 member states of the African Union have ratified the protocol. Only six of the 31 member states to the protocol have deposited the Declaration under Article 34(6) to allow NGOs and individuals access to the African Court directly. Those six member states are Burkina Faso, Gambia, Mali, Malawi, and Tunisia.

Under Article 34(6) of the victims of human rights violations would be allowed to fiercely bring their cases to the African Court in hope of attaining justice. The allowance of this access to justice is a possible solution towards ending the culture of impunity and accountability in DRC.

This step for DRC is one of the necessary many on the journey of human rights protections. Swift action should be taken to continue the protection of human rights in DRC. Although the ratification of the protocol proves a willingness to acknowledge an issue of adherence to human rights protocols, further attempts to end the culture of impunity through signing the 34(6) declaration should be taken.

For further information, please see:

African Court – Democratic Republic of Congo Ratifies the Protocol on the Establishment of the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights – 11 Dec. 2020

Amnesty International – The Democratic Republic of Congo 2019

BBC News – DR Congo Elections: Five Things to Know – 30 Dec. 2018

Jurist – DR Congo Ratifies Protocol Establishing African Court of Human Rights – 16 Dec. 2020  

The Citizen – DR Congo Now Ratifies African Court Protocol – 13 Dec. 2020

Bandits Abduct Dozens of Students in Nigeria

By: Shane Kelly

Impunity Watch Staff Writer

KAGARA, Niger State, Nigeria – On February 17, 2021, gunmen wearing military uniforms stormed into a college in Niger state, abducting dozens of students and their teachers. One student was killed during the attack.

President Muhammadu Buhari. Photo Courtesy of the New York Times (Phill Magakoe/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images).

Attacking in “huge numbers,” gunmen stormed into the Government Science College in the town of Kagara, driving schoolboys and some teachers into the forest. At least one student was killed during the kidnapping, according to one of only a few of the students who managed to escape.

The exact identity of the group is unknown. They do not appear to have an official designation, but they are a criminal gang referred to locally simply as “bandits.” This group has become notorious in central and northwestern Nigeria for pillaging, raping, and kidnapping for ransom. Through aerial troops and communications with local informants, the state government has made contact with the bandits. As of February 19, 2021, negotiations are underway to secure the release of the students. The situation is ongoing.

The abductions follow a similar tragedy only two months ago when perhaps the same group abducted more than 300 schoolboys in Katsina. The kidnappers released the students two days later after receiving a ransom. Boko Haram claimed responsibility for the raid in December, though authorities deny the group’s involvement. These incidents, however, are eerie reminders of Boko Haram’s abduction of hundreds of schoolgirls in Chibok in Borno state in 2014. More than a hundred of those students remain missing.

Nigeria’s president, Muhammadu Buhari, has been under pressure as a result of the wave of crime by bandits in his country, and he faces accusations of apathy and inaction. As a result, he ratified the Safe Schools Declaration—an international initiative to implement and enforce policies to protect schools.

For further information, please see:

BBC – Nigeria’s Katsina School Abduction: Boko Haram Says it Took the Students – 15 Dec. 2020

Human Rights Watch – More Schoolchildren Abducted in Nigeria – 17 Feb. 2021

MSN – Negotiations Under Way in Nigeria to Free Abducted Children – 19 Feb. 2021

New York Times – Gunmen in Nigeria Attack School, Abducting Dozens and Killing a Student – 17 Feb. 2021

New York Times – In Town of Missing Girls, Sorrow, but Little Progress – 11 May 2014

Tunisian LGBTQ+ Community Faces Police Violence

By: Molly Graham

Journal of Global Rights and Organizations, Associate Articles Editor

TUNIS, Tunisia – On October 6, 2020, hundreds of LGBTQ+ activists gathered in front of Tunisia’s Parliament to protest draft law Number 25/2015, which would severely limit criminal accountability for the use of force by police and armed forces. Ironically, police attacked and arbitrarily arrested many protesters.

Seif Ayadi, LGBTQ+ activist at protest on October 6, 2020. Photo Courtesy of Nawaat.

The proposed law would grant security forces legal immunity from prosecution for use of force. The stated purpose of the law is to enhance protection of armed forces, including military, internal security, and customs forces, as well as suppress attacks against institutions, facilities, and equipment that fall under their authorities. The bill would allow courts to enforce long prison sentences to people who reveal broadly defined “national security secrets.”

If passed, the proposed law would affirm security forces in their use of force, and therefore send a disturbing message to marginalized groups, many of whom are already vulnerable to police misconduct, that they will not be protected from police violence.  LGBTQ+ folks are particularly afraid that this law may pass.

Consider Ahmed El-Tounsi’s experience. El-Tounsi is a transgender Tunisian man and founder of OutCasts (transgender rights organization). On August 5th, 2020, he and other LGBTQ+ activists were walking near the French embassy, when police approached and asked them for identification. When officers noticed discrepancies between their identification and gender expression, a verbal altercation ensued. The verbal altercation quickly escalated into a physical assault. El-Tounsi and the others attempted to run away, but additional police officers arrived. The officers continued to beat the activists while encouraging bystanders to join in. 

El-Tounsi reported the officers shouted to bystanders, “Kill them!  They are sodomites!” Bystanders followed the activists into an alleyway and continued to beat them. The bystanders took their phones and deleted video evidence of the encounter. El-Tounsi commented, “It felt like our entire country beat us that day.”

El-Tounsi went to Habib Thameur Hospital but was denied treatment based on his gender expression. He then went to Charles Nicole Hospital, where administrative staff refused to help him, and referred him to a woman’s hospital, despite his self-identification as a man. Activists took El-Tounsi to Wassila Bourguiba Hospital, which specializes in women’s health, where they refused to treat him because El-Tounsi “[looked] like a man.”

Activists filed a complaint, seeking to hold police and embassy officers accountable. Several lawyers reported the request to review camera footage near the embassy was dismissed. This footage would show the officers’ role in the attack. The lawyers appealed, and are now awaiting a decision.

Avadi attacked and detained by Tunisian police. Photo Courtesy of Nawaat.

Seif Ayadi, a social worker at Damj, a Tunis LGBTQ+ rights group, was present at El-Tounsi’s attack in August and was also one of the activists beaten and detained at the protest in October. Ayadi has spoken out about the increasing police violence against LGBTQ+ people in Tunisia, as well as the overwhelming dangers of the proposed bill. Ayadi reported in 2020 that Damj provided legal support for LGBTQ+ people at police stations in 75 cases and responded to 98 requests for legal consultations. These statistics are five times higher than Damj recorded in 2019.

Currently, there is no legal recognition for transgender people. Many face systemic discrimination, especially when confronted by the incongruence between official identification documents and gender expression. Trans people are often arbitrarily arrested and experience abusive police protocols leading to prosecution. Tunisia should decriminalize same-sex conduct and protect LGBTQ+ people from discrimination and police violence, rather than granting increased power to police.

For further information, please see:

Human Rights Watch – “Kill Them, They Are Sodomites” – 10 Dec. 2020

Human Rights Watch – Draft Law Could Return Tunisia to a Police State – 24 July 2017

Inkyfada – Draft Law Against Attacks on the Armed Forces: Protection or Immunity – 28 Apr. 2015

Nawaat – “They Choked Me, Kicked Me”: Cops Assault Protests Against Police Immunity Law – 10 Oct. 2020  

PinkNews – Trans man beaten by police and onlookers then refused medical treatment because of his gender: ‘Kill them, they are sodomites” – 11 Dec. 2020