By Laura Hirahara
Impunity Watch Reporter, Africa

MBABANE, Swaziland– In the midst of pro-democracy uprisings, Swaziland’s King Mswati II and his administration are taking a strict stance against the protesters and adopting an isolationist policy.  Despite attempted intervention from several African groups and international organizations, Mswati’s officials maintain the problem is ‘outsiders’ and not the need for reform.  Said Mswati’s Foreign Affairs Minister Lutfo Dlamini, “We have been threatened as a nation by outsiders that there will be an uprising. . .We needed to guarantee the safety of all Swazis[.]”

This statement was made on Wednesday in what has proven to be a tumultuous week for the small, land-locked country.  On Tuesday and Wednesday, police fired upon crowds of thousands with tear gas and water cannons.  Police entered the crowd and started beating the protesters with batons, arresting many.  The protesters are calling for reform from the government, namely in the areas of civil service pay and political parties.  Mswati has banned political parties, effectively eliminating the possibility of a multi-party democratic system in Swaziland.  Additionally, civil servant pay has been cut drastically.  The protesters are demanding that political parties be made legal again and the pay cuts be reversed.

Swaziland’s government has maintained throughout the unrest that this is the result of foreign agitators coming into the country to promote violence and treason.  However, the police and security forces seem to be targeting Swazi’s in crackdowns on unions.  On Wednesday, a unions’ headquarters was raided by police where approximately 300 teachers were gathered for a rally.  The forces again used tear gas and water cannons to disperse everyone from the meeting.

These actions have prompted the African National Congress (ANC) to speak out.  ANC Deputy of International Relations, Ebrahim Ebrahim, said on Thursday,

We call on the government of Swaziland to work towards the normalisation of the political environment by unbanning opposition political parties, releasing political activists and engaging in a meaningful dialogue with opposition political and trade union leaders to find a collective solution to the socio-economic situation faced by that country. . .The use of security forces to quell any form of political dissent and failure to address legitimate concerns of citizens can only lead to the worsening of relations between government and civilians, something that does not augur well for economic stability.

This is a strong statement from the ANC, which until Thursday had remained silent, allowing its partner, the trade union group Cosatu to work with the pro-democracy protesters.  Some hope this will change the king’s view of South Africa and the ANC.  Cosatu’s deputy international secretary, Zanele Mathebula, said up until Thursday, the ANC’s silence has given Swaziland’s government a reason to blame Cosatu.  “[The Swazi government] cannot understand how South Africa can allow Cosatu to be so vocal. They blame us- as if we are forcing the Swazi people to revolt against the king.”

Underlying the unrest are the stark realities of economic inequality in Swaziland.  King Mswati is Africa’s last absolute monarch and after years of funneling the country’s profits into private royal accounts, Mswati has become the 15th richest monarch in the world, with an estimated personal fortune of $200 million.  However, a majority of Swazi’s live in poverty, subsisting on less than $1 a day.  Life expectancy in the country is 32 years, a statistic supported by the HIV infection rate of 33 percent, the highest in the world.  Almost half the country is unemployed and up to a quarter of Swazi’s rely on food aid and donations for their survival.  Many believe the protests are the natural consequence of this growing gap between the wealthy royalty and the impoverished Swazis.  Said Deprose Muchena, acting Executive Director of the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA), “The Swazi government has shown its true colors to the world – it is repressive and authoritarian and only interested in its own survival.”

For more information, please see;

Mail & Guardian– Time For Change in Swaziland, ANC Says– 15 April, 2011

NYT– Police Fight Teachers as Unrest Begins to Mount– 13 April, 2011

Christian Science Monitor– In Swaziland, Heavy Crackdown Beats Back Egypt Inspired Protests– 14 April, 2011

By Laura Hirahara
Impunity Watch Reporter, Africa

OUAGADOUGOU, Burkina Faso– Burkina Faso’s president, Blaise Campaore, dissolved the government on Friday following an uprising by soldiers in the capital city of Ouagadougou and the presidential compound.  The soldiers, frustrated by the president’s refusal to pay them wages and promised bonuses, entered the compound on Thursday night, firing guns and rioting until the pre-dawn hours of Friday.  The uprising spread to the nearby barracks and then into the city.  Soldiers began speeding through the city streets in military vehicles and looting stores.  For several hours Thursday night, Campaore fled to his hometown approximately 30 km away, returning Friday.  In a radio address on Friday, Campaore announced he had fired his top military and personal guard commanders.  Part of the announcement read, “The secretary generals of ministerial departments will ensure the execution of current business.”

As the soldiers poured into the city they began stealing from shops in the capital, accosting merchants.  The soldiers also raided at least one radio station, injuring the staff and forcing it off the air.  One taxi driver reported being dragged from his car by soldiers who then drove away in his cab.  Many businesses, including gas stations and banks, have remained closed since the violence broke out Thursday night.  One witness, Pierre Tapsoba, who lives in a western neighborhood of Ouagadougou, said “I was going in the direction of the Lamizana [military] camp when I heard the gunfire. I saw people rushing back towards me, so I turned around and went back home. . . .I haven’t been out since. It’s bad.”  In an apparent effort to deter the soldiers, some shop owners set fire to busses.  As the looting continued Thursday, local merchants felt like the government had abandoned them.  Said one business association leader, Seydou Zangre, “We thought they [the government] were going to take measures for our security, but they did nothing.”

In addition to the dissolution, Campaore effected a 7 p.m. to 6 a.m. curfew on Saturday and France, the former colonial ruler of Burkina Faso, warned travelers to avoid the country.  This latest clash follows months of turmoil in the country.  In February, students protested against the government after a student in military custody died.  During the protests, several buildings were set on fire and six students died.  On March 22, soldiers led an attack in response to several soldiers who were sentenced to prison terms for rape, freeing some soldiers from jail.

The country has also faced pressure from its neighbors, where unrest has driven up the prices of pantry staples in Burkina Faso.  The violence in Côte d’Ivoire has disrupted supply lines Burkina Faso in addition to Niger and Mali.  This means the prices of several processed foods, such as sugar, vegetable oil and dried milk, have risen dramatically in the land-locked country.  This prompted a march by tens of thousands of protesters in the capital last week against the increasing cost of living.

In the radio address Friday that dissolved the government, Campaore said, “The government reassures the people that steps are being taken right now to resolve this situation and expresses its regret and compassion for all those who have suffered harm.”  Despite these reassurances, many believe Campaore is losing power and that this may signal the end of his 23 year reign as president.  Addressing the resent uprising in Burkina Faso, David Zounmenou, a researcher focusing on conflict prevention at the South African based Institute for Security Studies, said, “It may be the end of Blaise Compaore’s rule. . .The youth are inspired by what is happening in North Africa and you add to this the unhappiness within the army. He might have to think about a transition.”

For more information, please see;

Bloomberg– Burkina Faso President Dissolves Government as Army Rampages– 16 April, 2011

Reuters Africa– Burkina Faso Traders Riot Over Army Looting– 16 April, 2011

The Independent– Soldiers Go on Rampage Over Pay in Burkina Faso– 16 April, 2011

Aljazeera– Burkina Faso’s President Dissolves Government– 15 April, 2011

BBC– Burkina Faso’s Blaise Campaore Sacks His Government– 15 April, 2011

By Polly Johnson
Impunity Watch Reporter, Africa

HARARE, Zimbabwe – President Robert Mugabe said Thursday that the country will forge ahead with the takeover of foreign-owned firms, a plan laid out in a 2008 law.

During a speech Thursday at the burial of the deputy director of Zimbabwe’s intelligence organization, Mugabe addressed mourners, telling them, “We proceed with our indigenization and empowerment policy, and programs must be worked out to ensure that our resources are managed by us, they are controlled and exploited by us, and that they benefit the majority of our people.”

The Indigenization and Economic Empowerment Bill was signed into law in 2008, and permits local business owners to take fifty-one percent shareholder control of foreign mining companies that have a net asset value of one million dollars or more.

The Zimbabwe government defended the bill as a way of addressing past racial and historical imbalances and allowing local Zimbabweans to benefit from the country’s rich mineral resources.

However, upon its passage, the bill was met with heavy criticism. Opponents have argued that the law has simply been a way for Mugabe to buy and curry support among his party, ZANU-PF.

Mugabe’s opposition party, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has opposed the law. However, he has not been so vocal about his opposition, which some critics have attributed to his not wanting to be labeled as “pro-white” or “pro-West.”

Last month, Mugabe took the initial steps towards enforcing the bill when he gave foreign mining companies forty-five days to transfer the majority stakes to local investors.

Mugabe’s goal is to take power away from the European and American corporations that dominate Zimbabwe’s economy. He has accused the foreign-owned companies of aligning with the West in an effort to remove him from power. “If our economy is controlled by outsiders, similarly the politics will be controlled by outsiders,” Mugabe said.

Western countries imposed sanctions on Mugabe and ZANU-PF in 2002 on charges of human rights abuses and rigged elections. As recently as 2010, Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that ZANU-PF continued to engage in human rights abuses, and that there had been no meaningful progress in instituting human rights reforms. HRW has uncovered rampant abuses by Zimbabwe’s armed forces, including forced labor, child labor, killings, beatings, smuggling and corruption.

Mugabe, who is 87 and has run the country since 1980, does not appear to be slowing down. “We must demonstrate that we are ready to defend our country and sacrifice our lives. The enemy will try by all means to destroy us, but if we are united, we are strong,” he said. The MDC has warned that upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections could bring about a “bloodbath” in Zimbabwe.

For more information, please see:

ZimOnline – Firm takeovers to go ahead: Mugabe – 15 April 2011

CNN – Government takeover of companies in Zimbabwe to proceed, Mugabe says – 14 April 2011

Zimbabwe Mail – Mugabe says to proceed with foreign firm takeovers – April 14, 2011

CNN – Is ‘indigenization’ bad for business? – 7 April 2011

Zimbabwe Guardian – Shape up or ship out, Mugabe warns companies – 28 March 2011

Human Rights Watch – EU: Keep Sanctions on Mugabe’s Inner Circle – 29 January 2010

By Polly Johnson
Impunity Watch Reporter, Africa

ABIDJAN, Ivory Coast – After a disputed election plunged Ivory Coast into four months of violent civil war, Laurent Gbagbo, who refused to concede defeat after last November’s presidential election, surrendered on Monday to his rival and Ivory Coast’s leader, Alassane Ouattara.

“The fighting is over,” Gbagbo said on television after his arrest, a dramatic event involving a military assault on his residence in Abidjan.

When Gbagbo failed to cede power in November’s presidential election, the country was thrown into violent conflict. Despite international calls for his resignation from the United Nations, the United States and the European Union, pleas from African diplomants and severe economic sanctions, Gbagbo refused to give up his power.

His refusal to surrender led to the dramatic scene at his residence on Monday morning, where French and U.N. helicopters struck and partially destroyed Gbagbo’s residence. Tanks surrounded his compound, under which Gbagbo and his family sought cover in a bunker protected by security forces. But by the middle of the day, Gbagbo and his wife retreated to the Golf Hotel, where his surrender was complete.  The Golf Hotel serves as the headquarters of both Ouattara and the United Nations.

“Finally, we have reached the dawn of a new era of hope,” Ouattara said in a televised address on Monday. “We had hoped this transfer had been different, but we have to focus on today.”

Noting that the “country has just turned a painful page of its history,” Ouattara called for legal proceedings to be initiated against Gbagbo, his wife and his colleagues. Ouattara also said that a truth and reconciliation commission would be set up.

Aside from Ouattara’s calls to cease the violence, United States President Barack Obama and U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon welcomed Gbagbo’s capture and urged calm in Ivory Coast. Obama said that Gbagbo’s “illegitimate claim to power has finally come to an end.”

Despite the relief that has come with Gbagbo’s capture, Ivory Coast is still reeling from atrocities committed by supporters of both Ouattara and Gbagbo.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported last week that forces loyal to Ouattara murdered and raped Gbagbo supporters and burned ten villages. Gbagbo supporters murdered more than one hundred Ouattara supporters.

The abuses documented by HRW occurred during March and April. In one horrific event, hundreds of Guéré civilians and Gbagbo supporters were murdered by Ouattara supporters in the town of Duékoué.

HRW has called on Ouattara to address these atrocities and violations of international law and “urgently investigate and prosecute all those responsible for abuses to bring an end to Côte d’Ivoire’s longstanding cycle of impunity.”  Daniel Bekele, Africa Director at HRW, made clear that forces loyal to both Ouattara and Gbagbo have committed numerous atrocities, and that is in Ouattara’s hands to ensure that those responsible on both sides are brought to justice.

But Ouattara remains hopeful. In his televised speech, he said, “Today a white page opens in front of us, white like the white of our flag, symbol of hope and peace.”

For more information, please see:

BBC – Ouattara urges Ivory Coast calm – 11 April 2011

CNN – Ivory Coast president urges calm after Gbagbo is arrested – 11 April 2011

Human Rights Watch – Côte d’Ivoire: Ouattara Forces Kill, Rape Civilians During Offensive – 9 April 2011

Independent – Stripped of dignity, stripped of power – 12 April 2011

New York Times – Former Leader of Ivory Coast Is Captured – 11 April 2011

by Laura Hirahara
Impunity Watch Reporter, Africa

LONDON, England– Four Kenyans appeared in London’s High Court this week to demand an apology and damages from the British government for human rights abuses they suffered during the Mau Mau rebellion in the 1950’s and 60’s.  The four, Ndiku Mutua, Paulo Nzili, Wambugu Wa Nyingi and Jane Muthoni Mara, are now in their 70’s and 80’s but claim that they were victimized by British colonial officials in detention camps between 1952-1961.  The High Court has dismissed the case citing that since an independent Kenyan government was formed in 1963, all power and liability shifted from the British colonial government to the new government at that time.  The judge also stated that the claim had expired and that the British government could not be held liable for the actions of the colonial forces in the camps since it had not authorized their methods.

Some are claiming High Court’s ruling is merely a manipulation of the law to avoid responsibility.  Others claim the British government has engaged in a cover-up to hide the actions of British officials during Kenya’s revolt.  The Foreign Office at Her Majesty’s Government Communications Centre (HGCC) at first denied any documents relating to the Kenyan detention camps existed.  In January, an internal investigation revealed thousands of documents detailing the abuses and torture perpetrated at the camps.  The claimant’s expert witness, David Anderson, Professor of African Politics at the University of Oxford, testified to the High Court that the documents reveal not only the extent of the abuses at the camps but also the efforts of British officials to hide these human rights violations.

Professor Anderson said the documents show letters from Kenyan officials admitting violations of international law and conventions against the use of forced labor.  In one such letter uncovered by Professor Anderson, Kenyan Attorney General Eric Griffiths-Jones wrote of the violations, “If, therefore, we are going to sin, we must sin quietly.”  The files also show legislative efforts to hide and minimize legal liability for the colonial officials involved.  Said Professor Anderson, “They reveal that changes to legislation. . .were commonly made retrospectively in order to ‘cover’ practices that were already ‘normal’ within camps and detention [centers].”

Despite the High Court’s ruling, the Kenyans, who flew 4,000 miles to appear in court this week, said they will not give up their fight for recognition.  They plan to continue in their suit against the British government for the “unspeakable” acts of torture and abuse they suffered in the camps.  Of the four, Mutua and Nzili were castrated, Nyingi was severely beaten during an event at one of the prisons where 11 other men were clubbed to death and Mara, who was 15 at the time she was taken, was subjected to beatings and multiple rapes.  Mutua, now 78, says that castration that left him unable to have children, continues to negatively affect his life.  “Being a man without a family, without a wife, is so shameful and I live under shame even with my peers.”

Kenya’s Human Rights Watch, which is supporting the suit, says of the 110,000 Kenyans who were in the camps, 90,000 were subject to execution, torture or permanent disfigurement.  The group hopes this case will lead to the exposure of other human rights abuses committed by the British government in as many as 37 other former colonies.  The Foreign Office has admitted that in its search for the Kenya documents, 2,000 more boxes from the 1950’s and 60’s have been uncovered relating to colonial actions in countries such as Palestine, Cyprus, Malaya, Nigeria and Northern Rhodesia.  Caroline Elkins, author of The Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britain’s Gulag in Kenya and Harvard professor, said of the case, “The government is fighting this Kenyan case hard because [it’s] the tip of an iceberg. . . .I can’t imagine the Foreign Office wants more cases like this to go to trial.”

For more information, please see;

BBC– Mau Mau Case: UK Government Cannot be Held Liable– 7 April, 2011

Daily Nation– Mau Mau 11 Clubbed to Death, Court Told– 8 April, 2011

The Australian– Britain Reveals its “Quiet Sins” in Kenya– 8 April, 2011

The Canadian Press– Britain Admits Torture in Kenya in 1950’s  but Says  Has No Responsibility for Survivors– 8 April, 2011

Guardian UK– Torture and Killing in Kenya- Britain’s Double Standards– 8 April, 2011