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The Chautauquan Daily: International prosecutor David M. Crane to discuss media and war crimes

International prosecutor David M. Crane to discuss media and war crimes

In 2013, Charles Taylor, the former president of the West African nation Liberia, was convicted and sentenced to 50 years in prison for war crimes and crimes against humanity for subjecting the people of Sierra Leone to murder, mutilation, rape and sexual slavery. Estimates vary, but it is believed that more than 50,000 people were killed, several hundred thousand were maimed or wounded and 2.5 million were displaced in a nation of 6 million during 11 years of conflict.

Taylor is the only sitting head of state ever to be convicted on such charges, according to David M. Crane, the chief prosecutor in the case. He was appointed by Kofi Annan, then-secretary general of the United Nations, at the recommendation of the Security Council, to create and manage the independent Special Court for Sierra Leone. Besides Taylor, the leaders of three other factions in the war were also convicted of war crimes, including the widespread forced conscription of children as fighters.

Why was Crane chosen?

“That’s the $25 question,” he said. “(Former U.S. secretary of state) Colin Powell told me that I had a reputation for creating new organizations and driving them forward toward success.”

Crane

At 3:30 p.m. Tuesday in the Hall of Philosophy, Crane will discuss his work and address the theme “Journalism and International Justice” as part of the Oliver Archives Heritage Lecture Series. He will be joined by the television and newspaper journalist Brian Rooney, the winner of four Emmy and two Edward R. Murrow awards. A renowned expert in international criminal law and a professor of that subject at Syracuse University’s law school, Crane said he chose the topic because of “the role of the press in bringing atrocities to light. Without the press, politicians would just cover them up.”

While Taylor is the only head of state to be tried and convicted by an international tribunal, Crane — along many other human rights advocates and legal scholars — hopes he will not be the last. Crane created and has headed the Syrian Accountability Project at Syracuse University since the beginning of the civil war in Syria in 2011. The group has built a huge database and index matrix cataloguing war crimes and crimes against humanity perpetrated by Syria’s president, Bashar al-Assad and the leaders of 13 fighting factions. The group, which has verified 8,000 pages of individual war-crime incidents, has been praised by the U.S. Congress and the United Nations for its work, and could be called upon to assist in any potential tribunal.

“If they call me tomorrow, I could prosecute Assad,” said Crane, who served in the U.S. military and worked for 30 years on national security issues and policy for the Department of Defense and congressional intelligence committees.

There have been only four international war crimes tribunals in the modern era: The trials of Nazi war criminals in Nuremberg after World War II; the prosecution in The Hague of the leaders of various factions in the civil war in Yugoslavia, including the former Serbian president, Slobodan Milošević, who died awaiting trial; the tribunal in The Hague to bring to justice those responsible or complicit in the Rwandan genocide; and the Sierra Leone trials.

Why are such tribunals necessary?

“Because in the 20th century, 115 million people were destroyed by their own governments,” Crane said. “It is important to hold heads of state, dictators and thugs accountable.”

People don’t realize it, Crane said, but the Cold War, from 1945 to 1993, was “the bloodiest war in history,” in which 90 million people died.

“Political stasis neutralized the U.N. because the United States and the Soviet Union had veto power, so dictators were allowed to do whatever they wanted,” he said.

By the 1990s, the world community had come to the realization that continuing to stand and watch as regional wars raged across the globe was no longer tenable, and decided to act by resurrecting war crimes tribunals.

And if, as many believe, a tribunal is formed to seek justice for the victims of atrocities in Syria, Crane and his group will be ready.

“We have an office that will give the proper evidence to any prosecutor,” he said.

International Center for Transitional Justice: Impunity’s Eclipse – The Long Journey to Justice in Guatemala

On International Justice Day 2017, explore the 30-year struggle for justice in Guatemala
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Walk the Long Road to Justice in Guatemala

Dear Friends,

Bring General Rios Montt and other high ranking members of the military to trial in the Guatemalan courts for genocide? In 1999 it was a noble dream for justice for the thousands of Mayan victims of the country’s civil war, and for the entire country, but one with little apparent possibility of ever coming true. The UN-backed Guatemalan truth commission where I worked, the Historical Clarification Commission (CEH),had just released its findings that state forces had committed genocide in at least three regions of the country. The report vindicated human rights defenders and hundreds of Mayan communities who had for years denounced the wholesale slaughter of indigenous peoples and the razing of their villages during the early 1980s at the height of the war. It sent shock waves through the military and the elites who had supported the genocidal counterinsurgency effort.

But a trial? In the severely weakened and compromised Guatemalan justice system, which had tried only one case of an extrajudicial killing related to the conflict in over 30 years?

I was among the doubters on that front. By then I had spent some 20 years living and working in or on Guatemala, first on land issues and later with a stronger focus on human rights and redress for the victims of the war. In the 1990s, through my work with the CEH and REHMI, the Catholic Church’s project for the recovery of historical memory, I heard testimony from hundreds of victims. Their vivid stories of atrocity, suffering, and the enormous efforts to rebuild their lives, told with great dignity and often with a certain sense of disbelief at their own survival, are still very present with me. They wanted the truth to be known and affirmed about the injustice and indignities that they had experienced. The right to truth for them was a clear form of justice.

At the same time, others began to build “the case.” The CEH finding of genocide helped catalyze these efforts further. Over the next 14 years, dozens of people, mostly Guatemalan, worked diligently, taking tiny steps forward and overcoming many setbacks to bring the genocide case to trial in the most unlikely of settings. That determination, combined with the growing skills of Guatemalan lawyers and human rights defenders; the emergence of a small and very courageous group of judges and prosecutors in a justice system slowly developing some degrees of independence; and above all the insistent demand for justice from the victims themselves led to the day in March 2013, when two generals – one a former head of state, the other the former head of military intelligence– came face to face with the court, and their victims, to stand trial for genocide.

The trial allowed the victim-witnesses to be heard in public as they never had been before, and for a society to confront the truth about horrible events that they may have ignored or denied. It also brought to the fore Guatemala’s very deep and persistent structural divides: fault lines that divide along axes of wealth, ethnicity, and power. In the end, in order to force the overturn of the conviction, the country’s elites laid themselves bare, in their exercise of their raw, unchecked power.

But perhaps Im getting ahead of myself. In the in-depth narrative that follows, Marta Martínez tells this compelling story through the words and reflections of some of the main protagonists. The struggle for justice never comes down to one person. It’s the result of a constellation of known and unknown people, whose relentless efforts and commitment over a long period of time finally align and make something extraordinary happen. This is a story of some of the stars that made up that constellation in Guatemala. On thisInternational Justice Day, I hope you will find it as insightful and inspiring as I have!

Sincerely,
Marcie Mersky
Director of Programs, ICTJ

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War Crimes Prosecution Watch: Volume 12, Issue 9 – July 10, 2017


FREDERICK K. COX
INTERNATIONAL LAW CENTER

Founder/Advisor
Michael P. Scharf

War Crimes Prosecution Watch

Volume 12 – Issue 9
July 10, 2017

Editor-in-Chief
James Prowse

Technical Editor-in-Chief
Samantha Smyth

Managing Editors
Rina Mwiti
Alexandra Mooney

War Crimes Prosecution Watch is a bi-weekly e-newsletter that compiles official documents and articles from major news sources detailing and analyzing salient issues pertaining to the investigation and prosecution of war crimes throughout the world. To subscribe, please email warcrimeswatch@pilpg.org and type “subscribe” in the subject line.

Opinions expressed in the articles herein represent the views of their authors and are not necessarily those of the War Crimes Prosecution Watch staff, the Case Western Reserve University School of Law or Public International Law & Policy Group.

Contents

AFRICA

CENTRAL AFRICA

Central African Republic

Sudan & South Sudan

Democratic Republic of the Congo

WEST AFRICA

Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast)

Lake Chad Region — Chad, Nigeria, Niger, and Cameroon

Mali

EAST AFRICA

Uganda

Kenya

Rwanda (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda)

Somalia

NORTH AFRICA

Libya

EUROPE

Court of Bosnia & Herzegovina, War Crimes Chamber

International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia

Domestic Prosecutions In The Former Yugoslavia

MIDDLE EAST AND ASIA

Iraq

Syria

Yemen

Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia

Special Tribunal for Lebanon

Bangladesh International Crimes Tribunal

War Crimes Investigations in Burma

Israel and Palestine

AMERICAS

North & Central America

South America

TOPICS

Truth and Reconciliation Commission

Terrorism

Piracy

Gender-Based Violence

Commentary and Perspectives

WORTH READING


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To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to warcrimeswatch+unsubscribe@case.edu.

The C.I.A. Psychologists: Letter to the Editor

To the Editor:

In “Suit Gives New Details of Brutal Interrogations” (“Lasting Scars” series, front page, June 22), the two psychologists who guided the C.I.A. in its post-9/11 interrogations claim that waterboarding and other techniques widely condemned as torture cause no long-term physical or psychological damage.

That claim is incompatible with the experience of several hundred survivors of torture from Syria, Sudan and Afghanistan whom I have treated over two decades as a critical-care physician. The C.I.A.’s psychologists, by contrast, have no medical training on which to base this claim.

The characterization of waterboarding — a technique in which prisoners are deliberately suffocated to induce the terror of impending death — by one psychologist as “distressing” is a chilling illustration of his clinical inability to discern the difference between a life-threatening event and non-life-threatening event, let alone acknowledge waterboarding as a form of mock execution.

Americans seek accountability for the use of torture by the United States government. Citizens in North Carolina created a public commission, of which I am a member, to investigate the state’s role in rendition through an in-state C.I.A. contractor.

ANNIE SPARROW, NEW YORK

The writer is an assistant professor of pediatrics and preventive medicine at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai.

War Crimes Prosecution Watch: Volume 12 – Issue 8


FREDERICK K. COX
INTERNATIONAL LAW CENTER

Founder/Advisor
Michael P. Scharf

War Crimes Prosecution Watch

Volume 12 – Issue 8
June 26, 2017

Editor-in-Chief
James Prowse

Technical Editor-in-Chief
Samantha Smyth

Managing Editors
Rina Mwiti
Alexandra Mooney

War Crimes Prosecution Watch is a bi-weekly e-newsletter that compiles official documents and articles from major news sources detailing and analyzing salient issues pertaining to the investigation and prosecution of war crimes throughout the world. To subscribe, please email warcrimeswatch@pilpg.org and type “subscribe” in the subject line.

Opinions expressed in the articles herein represent the views of their authors and are not necessarily those of the War Crimes Prosecution Watch staff, the Case Western Reserve University School of Law or Public International Law & Policy Group.

Contents

AFRICA

CENTRAL AFRICA

Central African Republic

Sudan & South Sudan

Democratic Republic of the Congo

WEST AFRICA

Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast)

Lake Chad Region — Chad, Nigeria, Niger, and Cameroon

Mali

EAST AFRICA

Uganda

Kenya

Rwanda (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda)

Somalia

NORTH AFRICA

Libya

EUROPE

Court of Bosnia & Herzegovina, War Crimes Chamber

International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia

Domestic Prosecutions In The Former Yugoslavia

MIDDLE EAST AND ASIA

Iraq

Syria

Yemen

Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia

Special Tribunal for Lebanon

Bangladesh International Crimes Tribunal

War Crimes Investigations in Burma

Israel and Palestine

AMERICAS

North & Central America

South America

TOPICS

Truth and Reconciliation Commission

Terrorism

Piracy

Gender-Based Violence

Commentary and Perspectives

WORTH READING